Abstract
Quality of life represents one of the most relevant and controversial issues in the contemporary socio-economic and political scene. This paper examines local quality of life projects from a peculiar viewpoint. It does not primarily focus on the methodological debates on measurement but concentrates instead on two macro-issues: the socio-political implications of the assessment of quality of life and the peculiar incompleteness and precariousness that characterize many calculative exercises in that field. The case analysed are anomalous in respect to mainstream scientific practices: in fact, they concern an international ranking of cities according to liveability and a project aimed at the participatory assessment of local well-being. These cases are examined through the lens of the sociological debates on the processes of qualification, with specific reference to the convention theory and the studies on the economy of qualities grounded in the actor-network theory. Reading the experiences from that theoretical perspective provides important indications on the relationships between forms of knowledge, agency and power, on the controversial impacts of market logics on the public sphere and on the risk of a calculative rationalization of local knowledge. Moreover, the paper demonstrates that such issues manifest themselves not only in the initial intentions and rationales of the projects but in what the latter become through the continuous transformation of their paths and the re-framing of their boundaries – a phenomenon that may be seen as linked to the peculiar “elusiveness” of quality of life as a calculable object.
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Notes
The report edited by Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi defines the quality of life as follows: “Quality of life is a broader concept than economic production and living standards. It includes the full range of factors that influences what we value in living, reaching beyond its material side” (Stiglitz et. al. 2010 p. 41). On the difficulty of defining the notion see Craglia et al. (2004), according to whom there is no general agreement concerning the definition of the concept, that is very general and abstract and may be defined and measured in different ways.
The project takes into account various dimensions of well-being, including an item concerning life satisfaction. See http://www.oecdbetterlifeindex.org/#/11111111111 (accessed on 29 June 2021).
The range of the approaches to quality of life measurement includes that based on the economic notion of fair allocations. The latter is presented in the Stiglitz report (Stiglitz et al. 2010) as one of the three main conceptual frameworks for quality of life measurement, together with those based on subjective well-being and on capabilities.
As Al-Qawasmi (2021, p. 1) noted: “Despite the lack of consensus on the definition of urban QOL, there is a degree of agreement in the literature on what constitutes quality of life. The literature points out that urban QOL is a multi-dimensional construct that encompasses a wide range of urban life attributes including economical aspects (such as income, employment, job security, working opportunities), social aspects (such as education, leisure, health and wellbeing, social security, housing, social interaction, social acceptance), political aspects (such as local governance, public institutions, public participation, trust in law enforcement, municipal services), environmental aspects (such as pollution, air quality, transportation modes) among others”. An important distinction is that underlined by McCrea et al. (2011, p. 59, italics in the original) “In conceptualizing QOUL, it is useful to make a distinction between QOL that is “derived from” the urban environment (that is, satisfaction derived in urban domains, such as housing, neighborhood, community and region) and QOL as “experienced in” the urban environments (which would include satisfaction across all life domains; for example, work, social relationships, health, neighborhood, and so on)”.
While, in fact, much of the academic debate, especially in the Anglo-Saxon context, refers to the term “quality of life”, other experiences refer to other terms such as those related to well-being (see Jany-Catrice and Méda 2011).
According to Diaz-Bone (2018, p. 71) “Conventions can be defined as culturally established frames for the interpretation and evaluation of “what is going on” in situations. They are part of the implicit collective knowledge present in situations, and the skills of how to apply them are part of the competencies that actors have. Actors can thus draw on conventions as ways to engage and coordinate in situations to achieve a common goal. These goals can be conceived of as the collective production of qualities (e.g., goods and processes) and the realization of common goods”.
See on this point Centemeri (2010, p. 7, italics in the original): “The possibility to measure is linked to the establishment of conventions to quantify. To quantify is an action that implies a dimension of social and cognitive creativity, that goes missing if we stick to the idea that expressing phenomena through numbers is simply a question of measuring”.
“The economics of convention relates conventions to products as foundations for their quality. Exponents of the approach therefore speak of quality conventions” (Diaz-Bone, 2018, p. 80).
The analysis took advantage of an interview, conducted in 2014, with the editor of the initiative.
I refer here to the 2014 edition of the summary and overview of the ranking.
The analysis took advantage of an interview conducted in 2014 with the director of the project.
See Vormbusch (2022) on how to intend the link between certain emerging forms of calculation (particularly focused on the calculation of the self) and capitalism.
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Acknowledgements
The interviews were conducted in 2014 for the research project “Mesurer la qualité de la vie. Les enjeux démocratiques d’un processus de rationalisation”, carried out at Centre Maurice Halbwachs (CNRS – EHESS – ENS), Paris and funded by the Ville de Paris, in the framework of the Émergence(s) programme. The interviews were conducted when I was working for CNRS at Centre Maurice Halbwachs (CNRS – EHESS – ENS), Paris. I thank Alexandra Bidet who conducted the interviews with me. I am the sole responsible for the content of the article.
Funding
The interviews were conducted in 2014 for project, carried out at Centre Maurice Halbwachs (CNRS – EHESS – ENS), Paris and funded by the Ville de Paris, in the framework of the Émergence(s) programme.
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Doria, L. Reading cases of local quality of life assessment as incomplete and socio-politically contentious practices. Qual Quant 57, 1393–1420 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-022-01409-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-022-01409-6