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Prosodic diversity in Standard Russian: pitch alignment in Central and Northern varieties

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Abstract

This study examines the phonetic realisation of the falling nuclear pitch accent that marks corrective focus statements and wh-questions in Russian. An interactive dialogue-reading task elicited acoustic data from speakers of two regional varieties: Central Standard Russian spoken in Moscow (CSR), and Northern Standard Russian spoken in urban areas of the Vologda region (NSR). The two varieties differ in patterns of vowel reduction; while CSR is characterised by lengthening of immediately pretonic vowels, shorter vowels are observed in this position in NSR. Moscow Russian is also reported to display optional extra-early alignment of high turning points in falling accent, associating F0 peaks with the immediately pretonic syllable. Our data provides the first evidence that falling accents in NSR do not demonstrate the same tendency. The Vologda subjects tended to align the high turning point significantly later than the Muscovites, and the pitch maximum was rarely reached before the stressed vowel. Two possible interpretations of these findings are proposed. First, the observed alignment differences can be treated as an outcome of tune-text negotiation, with the option to associate the H target of the bitonal nuclear accent with the pretonic syllable available in Standard Russian, only if the first prestressed vowel is phonetically long. In addition, the NSR data bears resemblance to recent findings concerning an archaic northern dialect with nuclear monotonal H* instead of the bitonal H*+L/H+L* attested in Standard Russian. Therefore, it is suggested that the alignment pattern observed in NSR could be a relic of the archaic monotonal northern nuclear accent transformed under the influence of the dominant standardised variety.

Аннотация

В статье рассматривается фонетическая реализация нисходящего тонального акцента, маркирующего в русском языке контрастный фокус в повествовательных высказываниях, а также частный вопрос. Для получения акустических данных был проведен фонетический эксперимент с участием носителей двух региональных разновидностей современного русского литературного языка (СРЛЯ): центральной (московской) и северной (речь жителей крупных городов Вологодской области). Исследуемые варианты СРЛЯ различаются моделью редукции безударных гласных: для московского произношения характерна меньшая степень количественной редукции первого предударного гласного, в то время как северный вариант допускает более краткий редуцированный в этой позиции. Московскому варианту СРЛЯ также свойственен так называемый опциональный сверхранний тайминг пика нисходящего тонального акцента, его ассоциация с первым предударным слогом. Данные эксперимента показали, что эта тенденция не характерна для северной разновидности СРЛЯ: в произношении испытуемых из Вологодской области максимум частоты основного тона в большинстве случаев достигался значительно позднее, чем в речи участников эксперимента из Москвы. В статье предлагаются две возможные интерпретации этих данных. С одной стороны, наблюдаемые различия в тайминге пика могут рассматриваться как следствие разрешения конфликта между мелодическим контуром и количественными характеристиками доступных сегментов (англ. tune-text negotiation): тональная цель H битонального акцента H*+L/H+L* в СРЛЯ может реализовываться на первом предударном слоге только в том случае, если он содержит фонетически долгий гласный. С другой стороны, записи северного варианта СРЛЯ демонстрируют сходство с диалектологическими данными, согласно которым в архаических северных говорах фокус и частный вопрос маркируются при помощи монотонального акцента H* (в отличие от СРЛЯ, использующего битональный акцент). Таким образом, акцент с более поздним таймингом пика, обнаруженный в речи городских жителей Вологодской области, может быть рефлексом монотонального H*, трансформировавшегося под влиянием доминантного варианта СРЛЯ.

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Notes

  1. Kodzasov (2009, p. 25) additionally identifies a ‘falling set-up’ (nisxodjašcij zanos), a dip before a steep nuclear rise. This feature lies outside the scope of this paper.

  2. One exception is the imitation experiment reported in Igarashi (2004) who discussed the difference in terms of peak alignment. In this study, however, the alignments of F0 minima and maxima were not manipulated separately, which relates to the previously discussed Odé’s approach.

  3. An anonymous reviewer of Russian Linguistics questions whether all instances of pretonic peak alignment in Russian falling accents can be identified as zanos. According to the reviewer’s suggestion, only a salient additional pitch “jump” reaching beyond the normal pitch span, presumably used for emphasis, is treated as zanos in traditional descriptions. Such a definition would probably suggest that the phenomenon in question is a mere implementation of the paralinguistic “effort code” (Gussenhoven, 2004, p. 85–89). Since the paralinguistic codes are universal in nature, it is not clear why zanos would be perceived as “typically Russian” by non-native listeners, including trained phoneticians. Further perception studies are required to draw a clear line between salient and non-salient pretonic peaks in Russian. Before such data is available, in this paper we treat zanos as an alignment phenomenon, and not an excursion one; accordingly, we will use the term extra-early peak alignment instead of zanos to describe our data.

  4. By using the technical label NSR for our data collected in the Vologda region we do not imply neither the existence of a single stable Northern Russian norm nor a particular role of Vologda dialect within the Northern Russian dialect continuum. Evaluation of the degree of variation within this area is reserved for further investigations, so we stay agnostic whether our findings can be generalised to other Northern dialects.

  5. Yandex SpeechKit (2021), https://cloud.yandex.com/en/services/speechkit.

  6. The most frequent optional prenuclear pitch accents in (b) and (c) are indicated in parentheses.

  7. Duryagin’s (2021b) data concerning this configuration suggests the necessity of phrase accent (and positing the level of intermediate phrase) in the AM description of Russian. Accepting this proposal would imply adding phrase accents to all other configuration (that is, using L- L% and H- H% instead of L% and H% in all other tonal configurations). We set aside this line of discussion since it is irrelevant for the research question here.

  8. The illustrations were created using Praat script (Elvira García, 2017) with the smoothing value set to 15.

  9. When microprosodic effects were apparent in the contour (e.g., after voiceless stops or on voiced obstruents), the pitch measurements were taken at the nearest stable portion of F0.

  10. All regression tables include estimates, confidence intervals (\(\mathit{CI}\)), and \(p\)-values. The Intercept estimate should be interpreted as the expected value of the response variable when all predictors are set to reference levels (the ones not indicated in square brackets, e.g., Moscow, Underlying /\(a\)/, and Female in Table 1).

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers of Russian Linguistics for their insightful and detailed observations, as well as the participants of the study for their patience and enthusiasm.

Funding

Partial financial support was received from the project Department of Excellence funded by the Italian Ministry of Education, Universities and Research and held at the Department of Linguistics and Comparative Cultural Studies at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice.

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  1. Department of Linguistics and Comparative Cultural Studies, Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Venice, Italy

    Pavel Duryagin

  2. V. V. Vinogradov Russian Language Institute, Russian Academy of Science, Moscow, Russia

    Sergey Knyazev

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Both authors contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation and data collection were performed by Pavel Duryagin. The labelling of data was performed first by Sergey Knyazev and then verified by Pavel Duryagin. Statistical analysis of data was performed by Pavel Duryagin. The original draft of the manuscript was written by Pavel Duryagin. Sergey Knyazev critically revised the text and commented on all versions of the manuscript. Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Correspondence to Pavel Duryagin.

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Duryagin, P., Knyazev, S. Prosodic diversity in Standard Russian: pitch alignment in Central and Northern varieties. Russ Linguist 46, 55–75 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11185-022-09252-x

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