Abstract
This paper investigates the phonological tendency of Ancient Greek to anticipate word-internal aspiration to a word-initial segment (vowel, voiceless stop, or /w/). Special attention is paid to the relationship of this tendency with hiatus resolution. A close look at the philological data shows that several processes of h-anticipation should be distinguished: in particular, various kinds of perceptually-driven leftward migration of aspiration (sporadically lexicalized) must be kept apart from a later synchronic rule that moved h to the new onset when two syllabic nuclei coalesced. The hypothesis that the latter phenomenon could accompany not only vowel coalescence but other types of hiatus resolution as well, including elision and glide-formation, may provide explanation for some hitherto obscure cases. The results of this study also have implications for the theoretical discussion of sporadicity in sound change, as they could provide further evidence for the controversial category of phonetically-conditioned sound change with probabilistic conditioning.
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